Dewi, cyn d’eni, cad^{1 cad The edition follows the manuscripts of group A. The reading in X1 may have been unclear and is difficult to verify. The same reading as the edition is found in LlGC 6499B, contrast X2 cawn, X3 and X4 caid.} ordeiniaw ‒ man
’m Mynyw^{2 ’m Mynyw This line is a syllable too long in C 3.4, X2 and X3 ym Mynyw. The fact that line length varied occasionally in the cywydd metre (cf. GSDT 25; CD 313) may have made similar variations possible in a toddaid byr, but there are no known examples (the second line of every other englyn in this awdl contains the usual six syllables). This may be why ym was omitted in a number of other manuscripts, but ’m may have been implied in some cases as the word would have been all but inaudible when performed. Indeed, the reading in C 3.4, X2 and X3 may denote the abbreviated form. 1 Mynyw On the manor, see WATU 162.} i’th weddïaw,
A Phadrig aeth i drigaw
O Fynyw dros yr hafn^{3 yr hafn The edition follows C 3.4, LlGC 970E, LlGC 3077B, LlGC 6499B, Llst 118, Pen 77, whose reading is more meaningful than Llst 47, Llst 120, Llst 173, X2 yr afon, see ll. 1‒4n (explanatory); cf. l. 74. In C 2.619, C 5.44 and X5, yr was probably omitted as the line was a syllable too long. The fact that both readings are found across the manuscript tradition suggests that there was some confusion in the source, possibly because of an epenthetic vowel, cf. the earliest manuscript, C 3.4 yr havyn. 2 hafn Where Patrick left Wales for Ireland, according to the Latin life, namely Y Porth Mawr near St Davids (the Welsh life does not name the port), see WLSD 26–7.} draw.^{3 Ll. 1–4. According to the lives, Patrick was warned not to settle in the place where St Davids would later be, for it had been reserved for a boy who would be born in thirty years’ time, see SDW 110–13; WLSD 1–2 and the note on page 25. Rhigyfarch’s life states that David’s father, Sant, had also been forewarned about the birth of his son, see SDW 108–9.}

5Ban ddoeth Non i’r deml, bun ddi-wair^{4 Ban ddoeth Non i’r deml, bun ddi-wair The edition follows the manuscripts of group A, contrast X1 Non a ddôi i’r deml yn ddiwair. Both readings are correct in terms of meaning and cynghanedd, but X1 is clearly defective in line 13 (see textual note), which lends more credibility to the readings of group A in this part of the poem. Furthermore, group A’s reading gives better meaning in relation to the reading in line 7, which is supported by a number of manuscripts derived from X1 (that is, Ban ddoeth Non … aeth y prelad ‘When Non came … the prelate left’), see the textual note. Note that Dewi is the first word in the previous englyn, and Duw in the next, which may lend credence to the reading in X1, where Non is found at the beginning of the line. On the other hand, if the scribe of X1 (or its source) had forgotten the original reading, he may have repositioned Non at the beginning of the line under the influence of the other englynion.} ‒ feichiog^{4 di-wair – feichiog This unusual description of a girl who had been raped (see ll. 5–8n) is qualified by the significance placed in the lives on Non’s sanctity, cf. WLSD 2 A gwr ny bu idi na chynt an gwedy; diweir oed hi o vedwl a gweithret ‘And she did not have a husband before nor after; she was pure of mind and deed.’}
O dwysog dewisair,^{5 O dwysog dewisair This may be a reference to Sant, David’s father, whose virtues are emphasized in the Latin life (SDW 108–9), but it is more likely David himself, who was renowned as an orator and son to the king of Ceredigion. On the use of the preposition o after beichiog, see GG.net 22.38 Tŷ beichig o’r tai bychain ‘a house pregnant with other houses’.}
Aeth y prelad^{5 Aeth y prelad The edition follows group A, along with X3 and LlGC 6499B, contrast X2 and X4 a’r prelad aeth. It seems that the words were placed in a different order in X2 and X4 in relation to line 5 in X1 (that is, Non a ddôi … a’r prelad aeth ‘Non came … and the prelate left’), see the textual note.} o’i gadair
Heb allu pregethu gair.^{6 Ll. 5–8. According to the lives, Non became pregnant after she was raped by Sant, king of Ceredigion. Non later went to listen to Gildas preach, but as long as she remained in the church he could not utter a single word, therefore he decided to leave Britain as a sign of respect for the baby in her womb, see SDW 112–15; WLSD 2–3. The lives do not name the church, but the life of Gildas by Caradog of Llancarfan locates the same story in a church near the sea in Pebidiog (the cantref where St Davids is located, see WATU 170), and Gerald of Wales locates the church in a place called Kanmorva or Kairmorva, possibly a marsh to the south of St Davids, see WLSD 31. Gildas is not named in this poem nor is he named in the early versions of the Latin life, where he is referred to as ‘a teacher’, see WLSD 28–31 (he is Gildas sant in the Welsh life, see ibid. 2). Another version of the story is found in the life of the Irish saint Ailbe, in which a saint is struck dumb by the presence of David’s pregnant mother, for a priest was not permitted to celebrate in the presence of a bishop without his blessing, see ibid. 31. In this poem, prelad probably means ‘bishop’ (see GPC Ar Lein s.v.), but David was deemed to be of even higher rank.}

Duw a’th ddonies ar y dydd^{6 Duw a’th ddonies ar y dydd – y’th aned The edition tentatively follows the manuscripts of group A. However, this may have been a nine syllable line from an early period, and the variant readings in the manuscripts may reflect various attempts at restoring the lost syllable. It is a nine syllable line in Bodley Welsh e 7 o’r dydd, and the same was probably true in X1 Duw a’th ddonies y dydd – y’th aned. Both X4 and X5 a Duw and LlGC 6499B, Llst 118 and X2 a’th ddonies di are probably two such attempts at restoring the lost syllable. The matter is further complicated by the fact that the rhagwant (the syllable preceding the break between two halves of the first line of a toddaid) was usually situated on the fifth syllable. The cynghanedd most commonly used was cynghanedd sain (cf. l. 1), but the custom was also used with consonantal cynganeddion (cf. l. 5), see CD 275–7, 285–6. Dafydd Llwyd may have intended for the rhagwant to fall on the preposition ar, in line with the occasional use made of minor words in similar positions in consonantal cynganeddion, see ibid. 267; cf. ll. 4, 26. However, this line in its entirety, including the words following the rhyme words, form a consonantal cynghanedd, which strongly suggests that the rhagwant should be situated after ddonies on the fifth syllable, as if it were a caesura, cf. l. 31. The rhagwant was situated on the fifth syllable in two manuscripts only, namely X4 and X5, possibly restoring the original reading, but the fact that so many of group A’s manuscripts support the reading in the edition suggests that the custom of situating the rhagwant on the fifth syllable was ignored in this case, as in line 13 (see the textual note), cf. GGM 11.5, 13 (Dafydd Llwyd).} ‒ y’th aned,
10 Pan y’th enwyd Dafydd;^{7 Pan y’th enwyd Dafydd The only other reference to naming David is found in the Welsh life, see WLSD 2 a mab a anet idi, a Dauid a rodet yn enw arnaw ‘and a son was born to her, and he was named David.’}
Rhoist i’r dall, rhyw ystyr dydd,^{8 dydd This englyn contains a metrical error known today as gwestodl, namely that the same word is used twice in the end rhyme, see CD 306.}
Ei drem heb ddim godrumydd.^{7 godrumydd It is unclear what was in X1: X2 and X3 godremydd, LlGC 6499B and X4 godrymydd. There is similar variation in group A: LlGC 3077B and Llst 173 godremydd, Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4, Llst 120, Pen 77 godrumydd. Although not incorrect (see CD 303–4), Ei drem heb ddim godremydd is a particularly unmelodious line of cynghanedd, caught between being a cynghanedd draws and a cynghanedd lusg in the last line of an englyn, where cynghanedd lusg is prohibited. It seems that some scribes wrote godremydd under the influence of drem in the first half of the line, but the uncommon yet more meaningful godrumydd may have also been unfamiliar to many, see ll. 9–12n (explanatory); cf. G 543 s.v. godrum. 9 Ll. 9‒12. According to the lives, David performed miracles both before and after he was born, including causing a miraculous spring to sprout from the ground when he was baptised, by which the sight of a blind man, who was holding him during the ritual, was restored, see SDW 116–17; WLSD 3. He is the blind man here, namely the Irish saint, Mobí, according to Rhigyfarch, who was born without a nose and without eyes, and who is described in both Gwynfardd Brycheiniog’s and Iolo Goch’s poems for David as wynepclawr ‘flat-face’, see ibid. 33–4; DewiGB ll. 158–61 and the note; DewiIG ll. 37‒40. This disfigurement is undoubtedly referred to as godrumydd in l. 12, one of three examples of the word in GPC Ar Lein s.v. The third example, godrmydd, from Henry Salesbury’s dictionary in J 16 (16c./17gc.), can be dismissed, for it is glossed with the Latin vultus ‘face, countenance’. This word is in fact godremydd ‘aspect, look’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v.; cf. l. 12n (textual). There are therefore only two genuine examples of godrumydd. The first is found in the tale of Geraint ab Erbin and is understood as a general reference to the crookedness of one of the characters, see YGE 14 A gwedy hanner dyd y gvelynt godrumyd o dyn bychan ar uarch, 172 ‘hunchback’; cf. Ifans ac Ifans 2001: 227 ‘[d]yn bychan gwargrwm’; Davies 2007: 150 ‘a hunchback of a little man’. However, elsewhere in the tale this particularly unpleasant character is regularly referred to as a corr ‘dwarf’, therefore godrumydd may be a general reference to his physical deformity, as in the case of Mobí, rather than his crookedness. This recent interpretation may have been influenced by the fact that the dwarf is followed by a marchawc mawr gochrwm pennissel goathrist ‘big, hunched knight, head hanging, dejected’. A range of possible meanings are noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. godrumydd ‘dimsightedness, blindness; shadow, guise; hump-back’, but ‘disfigured’ would do the trick, with godrum understood in the same way also. Two examples are noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. godrum, both by Dafydd ap Gwilym, but one was discovered to be unfounded in the most recent edition of his work, see DG.net 61.7n. The second example is found in Dafydd’s poem for his shadow, where it is understood as an adjective, see ibid. 63.23 Godrum gafr o’r un gyfrith ‘Shape like a hump-backed goat’. However, it should undoubtedly be understood as a noun, and ‘disfigurement’ would fit the bill, cf. ibid. 63.24–6 Tebygach wyd, tebyg chwith, / I drychiolaeth hiraethlawn / Nog i ddyn mewn agwedd iawn ‘strange likeness, you are more like a fearsome phantom than a normal human being’.}

Rhan o’r dorth gan ar ginio ‒ a lewaist,^{8 Rhan o’r dorth gan ar ginio – a lewaist The edition follows the manuscripts of group A, contrast X1 Rhoi rhan o’r dorth gan o’th ginio – i lu ‘Giving a piece of the white bread from your meal to a host’. Both readings are correct in terms of cynghanedd, but note that the rhagwant (the syllable preceding the break between two halves of the first line of a toddaid) is situated on the fifth syllable in X1, as was customary in the first line of an englyn, see the discussion on l. 9 (textual). However, the reading in X1 does not correspond to the life, see ll. 13–16n (explanatory). Having broken a piece of bread into three pieces, David gave one piece to a dog and another to a raven, both of whom died in an instant, cf. ll. 15–16. David blessed and ate the third piece, and was unharmed. It is possible that the unique reading in X1 reflects a different version of the story, in which David gave the third piece of bread to his congregation, but there is no other evidence for it. It is more likely that the scribe of X1 (or its source), in an attempt to restore a line that he had partly forgotten, had written a new version based on the belief that the saints were generous providers, even though David is not particularly renowned in this regard (see WSSPL 153–4; cf. DewiLGC ll. 37–8) and, in doing so, took the opportunity to place the rhagwant on the fifth syllable. The use of Rhoi at the beginning of this line in X1 may have been influenced by Rhoist in line 11. Furthermore, the reading in group A echoes the Welsh life, in which the verb llewa ‘to eat, devour’ is used both to describe the dog eating the poisoned bread and elsewhere to describe David’s extreme frugality, see WLSD 7 A’r awr y llewas yr ast y bara, y bu allmarw ‘And the instant the bitch ate the bread, she died a terrible death’, 2 Ac ny lewas Dewi vwyt namyn bara a dwfuyr ‘And Dewi did not eat any food appart from bread and water’; cf. ibid. 13 ny lawssant na bwyt na diawt ‘they did not eat food nor drink’.}
Oedd le heb wenwyno,
15 A’th gi, cyn tröi^{9 tröi It seems that some scribes made some changes here after reading the monosyllabic form troi, which makes the cynghanedd incorrect: Llst 120, Llst 173, Pen 77 torri (possibly a misreading), X4 troddi, cf. clumsy rewriting in Bodley Welsh e 7 ath gig yn troi yn gan tro. LlGC 6499B and X5 troi i may be an attempt to represent the disyllabic form (see GMW 5).} un tro,
A’th frân aeth i farw yno.^{10 Ll. 13–16. According to the lives, three of David’s monks tried to murder him with poisoned bread, but their plan was thwarted by one of David’s disciples who travelled from Ireland on a sea monster to warn him. When David was informed, he broke the poisoned bread into three pieces and gave one piece to a dog (ast ‘bitch’ in the Welsh life) and another to a raven. Both animals died instantly, but David blessed and ate the third piece unharmed, see SDW 132–5; WLSD 6–8. Note that a lewaist in the first line of this englyn echoes the Welsh life, see l. 13n (textual).}

Bleiddyd^{10 Bleiddyd The edition follows the majority reading, contrast Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4, Llst 118, Pen 77 Bleiddudd, which is the form found in BD 25, see ll. 17‒22n (explanatory).} a wnaeth, bennaeth budd,
Yr Ennaint yn ddirinwedd;
I gael adwyth o’r gwledydd,
20Bendigaist, hyd ban dygiodd,
Y dwfr praff, difai o’r pridd^{11 Ll. 19–21. The line order here follows the manuscripts of group A (ll. 21–2 are not found in Llst 120), contrast X1, where l. 21 follows l. 18. Is seems that this caused the reading in l. 21 to change in X2 and X3 Dwfr praff i dyfu o’r pridd (the line may have been deleted and rewritten by a later scribe in X1). The line order in the edition clearly outlines the story as it is found in the life, namely that David blessed the waters of Bath, see ll. 17–22n (explanatory).}
Er iechyd i’r byd, y Badd.^{11 Ll. 17–22. According to the lives, the waters of Bath in Somerset were poisonous before being blessed by David, who made them hot, see SDW 120–1; WLSD 4. According to Brut Dingestow, Bath was founded by one Bleiddudd fab Rhun (not Rhun fab Bleiddudd, as noted in ibid. 38), see BD 25–6 A’r gvr hvnv a adeilvs Caer Uadon ac [a] wnaeth yr enneint tvymyn yr medeginyaeth y rei marwavl ‘And that man built Bath and made the hot baths as medicine for those who are dying’ (on the form Bleiddyd, see l. 17n (textual). The word Ennaint is understood as a proper noun, namely Bath, cf. the same interpretation in the editions of poems to David by Lewys Glyn Cothi and Ieuan ap Rhydderch, see DewiLGC l. 17; DewiIRh l. 48. On y dwfr … / … y Badd, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. y1 1 (i). For other examples of Badd, namely Bath, see GLGC 52.17, 94.67, 186.28; cf. l. 78.}

Er dy fagu’n gu, ’n oed gŵr ‒ o grefydd
Cyn gryfed â milwr,
25 Ansodd ni^{12 ni The edition follows Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4, Pen 77 and most of the manuscripts derived from X1, contrast nis in LlGC 3077B, Llst 120, Llst 173 and the manuscripts of Llywelyn Siôn (X4) apart from Llst 47.} mynnodd meinwr,
Ni bu raid ond bara a dŵr.^{12 Ll. 23–6. According to the lives, David ate nothing but bread and water, see SDW 108–9; WLSD 2. No other reference has been found to David’s physical strength.}

Ydd oedd^{13 Ydd oedd The edition tentatively follows LlGC 6499B and Pen 77, contrast yr oedd in every other manuscript except X4 rhai ddaeth. The majority reading, in which the caesura is situated after i’th (cf. ll. 4 and 26; CD 267), is possible but jarring, and it may be better to consider the line defective with crych a llyfn, see ibid. 145. On the other hand, the preverbal particle, whose form can often vary, may have interchanged from an early date.} i’th bregeth ryw ddydd ‒ i’th ganmol
Wyth^{14 Wyth Contrast Bodley Welsh e 7 and LlGC 6499B saith, possibly under the influence of similar numbers in poems to David by Gwynfardd Brycheiniog, Iolo Goch and Ieuan ap Rhydderch, see DewiGB saith mil mawr a saith ugaint; DewiIG ll. 61‒2 Chwemil, saith ugeinmil saint / Ac unfil; DewiIRh ll. 81‒2 Saith ugain mil … / A saith mil.} ugeinmil, Dafydd;
Doeth hyddod o gysgod gwŷdd
30 Draw i wrandaw yr undydd.^{15 Draw i wrandaw yr undydd There is little consistency in the readings of group A. The edition follows Bodley Welsh e 7 and Pen 77 draw i wrandaw yr vndydd, contrast C 3.4 draw ith wrandaw yr vndydd, LlGC 3077B ith wrando wrth yr vndydd, Llst 120 i wrando yn yr vndydd, Llst 173 [......]do yn yr vndydd. The reading in C 3.4 is also found in LlGC 6499B, but it is likely that the line was different in X1 Draw i wrandaw ’n yr undydd. Furthermore, Draw forms a cymeriad llythrennol with the previous line (linking both lines by alliterating the first words, d-) and is also supported by most of the texts (so too in terms of keeping i and omitting yn). 13 Ll. 27–30. On David’s preaching to the masses at the synod in Llanddewibrefi, see SDW 144–7; WLSD 10–11. On the large numbers present (160,000 according to Dafydd Llwyd), see l. 28n (textual). The reference to stags listening to David preach seems to be unique. The point being made is that David’s words could be heard near and far, cf. Lewys Glyn Cothi in his poem to David, DewiIRh ll. 29‒30 A’th glau bregeth a glywynt, / Yn lle gwir, yn Enlli gynt ‘And they could hear your clear sermon, for sure, in Bardsey then’.}

Cof ydiw yn ôl,^{16 Cof ydiw yn ôl The edition follows group A (this line is not found in LlGC 3077B), contrast X1 Cofawdur a wnaeth, which is less meaningful.} cyfodi ‒ yn wir
Dan oror cwm Brefi
Yn dir tew dan dy draed di
Y^{17 Y The edition follows Bodley Welsh e 7 and X1, contrast Llst 120, Llst 173, Pen 77, X2 yn (possibly by making cwm Brefi the object of the verb, which is less meaningful, or perhaps under the influence of yn at the beginning of the previous line), C 3.4 ar. This line is not found in LlGC 3077B.} ddaear yn Llanddewi.^{18 Ll. 1–34. These lines are not found in Stowe 959. 14 Ll. 31–4. On the story of the earth in Llanddewibrefi where the church now stands rising under David’s feet as he preached at the synod, see SDW 144–7; WLSD 10–11. Brefi is the name of the river at Llanddewibrefi and joins the river Teifi to the south of Tregaron.}

35Dewi, lle’r wyd, aed oll yr iaith,
Dyfod y mae rhyw adfyd maith,
Term^{19 Term The edition follows C 3.4, Llst 120, Pen 77, X1, contrast Bodley Welsh e 7, LlGC 3077B, Llst 173, Stowe 959, X2 trem. It seems that term ‘era’ is linked with adfyd maith ‘great affliction’ in the previous line.} anghyfiaith trwm, anghyfion.^{20 anghyfion The edition follows C 3.4 and X1, contrast Stowe 959 achovyon, possibly a misreading under the influence of cof in l. 31, cf. X2 anghofion. It may have been this incorrect cynghanedd that was corrected in Bodley Welsh e 7, LlGC 3077B, Llst 120, Llst 173, Pen 77 yw ’nghofion.}

Dir i Gymry rhag drwg amraint
Draw dy foli, drud ofeiliaint,
40Ac wylo’r naint^{21 Ac wylo’r naint The edition tentatively follows the majority reading, contrast Bodley Welsh e 7, Stowe 959 and X4 a gwylo’r naint. The close similarity between ac wylo and a gwylo (that is, a gwylio ‘and to watch’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. gwyliaf) may have resulted in confusion from an early date. It seems that wylo’r naint refers to the deeply emotional act of praying to both David and Non. The definite article seems out of place, and variant readings in the manuscripts of group A may suggest that many scribes found the meaning unclear: C 3.4 Ac wylaw arnnaint, Llst 120 Ac wyl or naint, Llst 173, Pen 77 ag wylo or naint, Stowe 959 a gwiliaw ar naint. However, cf. similar use of the definite article by Dafydd Llwyd, see GDLl 6.3 Crïo’r lli wna’r crëyr llwyd, 31.17‒18 [A] chwarddo ar Fercherddydd / A wyla’r dŵr yr ail dydd. On the other hand, gwylo’r naint may be a prophetic reference to the practice of keeping watch, cf. GDLl 24.31‒2 Aros bonedd ’r Ysbaenwyr, / Gwylio môr, a galw am wŷr ‘Waiting for the lineage of Spaniards, watching the seas and calling for men’, 35.45‒6 Gŵyl Ddewi, meddai’r Prïor, / Gwyliwch am waith gweilch y môr ‘On St David’s day, said the Prior, watch for the battle of the warriors from the sea’, 78.28 Gwyliwch o’r môr bwygilydd ‘Keep continuous watch over the sea’; GG.net 120.11‒12 Minnau ar farch, hybarch oedd, / Gwelw mawr, yn gwylaw moroedd ‘I for my part was on my horse, it was estimable, a great pale horse, watching the seas’.} a galw ar Non.

Llawer gweddi rhag llwyr godded,
A blin oeddyn’^{22 oeddyn’ The edition follows the majority reading, cf. LlGC 6499B and X2 oeddynt; contrast Llst 120 oeddwn, Llst 173 oeddym, Stowe 959 oedded. This line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4 and LlGC 3077B.} heb le nodded;^{23 heb le nodded The edition follows group A (this line in not found in Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4 and LlGC 3077B) except Stowe 959, which has the same reading as X1 heb lonydded. There is no entry for llonydded in GPC Ar Lein.}
Dygn y’n rhodded ‒ dwg ni’n rhyddion!

Y sawl y sydd, a fu ac a fydd,
45Pob doeth, pob dydd y’n rhoed ni’n rhydd;^{24 Pob doeth, pob dydd y’n rhoed ni’n rhydd The edition follows group A (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7) except Stowe 959, which has the same reading as X1 Pawb doed pob dydd a rhoed ni’n rhydd. It seems that this reading was influenced by the gorchest y beirdd metre, which was devised by Dafydd ab Edmwnd to make the rhyme scheme in the rhupunt metre more intricate, see CD 350 and the introduction (note also that [p]awb is also found in the next line).}
At bab y ffydd aed pawb^{25 aed pawb A subject originally mutated following a third singular imperative verb, but the mutation was lost sometime during the Middle Ages, and mutation occurs intermittently in the poetry of the period, see TC 211–12. The same variation is reflected in the manuscript readings, with bawb in C 3.4, LlGC 3077B, Llst 120, Stowe 959, X3 (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7). Either way, this line is unsatisfactory in terms of cynghanedd. If bawb is used, -t at the beginning of the line corresponds to -d in the second half. If pawb is used, the preceding -d becomes voiceless and thus corresponds correctly with -t at the beginning, but p- is then left unanswered, see CD 214 and footnote 8, which criticizes a line by Lewys Glyn Cothi, Nid teg ydyw, nid cadarn, as an example of twyll gynghanedd. The same is probably true here.} a’i ffon^{15 ffon The miraculous staff of David, who is described here as [p]ab y ffydd ‘the pope of the faith’, cf. DewiGB ll. 186; DewiIG ll. 84; DewiIRh llau. 77‒8.}!

Dyma’r amser y daw’r ymswrn,^{16 Dyma’r amser y daw’r ymswrn There is an unanswered m berfeddgoll in the first half of this line.}
A dewr yn ddig a dur ’n ei ddwrn;^{26 A dewr yn ddig a dur ’n ei ddwrn The edition follows group A (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7), whose reading is supported by X4. The caesura is situated after the third syllable in X1 Dewr yn ddig a dur yn ei ddwrn, but the caesura is situated after the fourth syllable in every other eight syllable line in this awdl (except l. 58, where it is situated after the fifth syllable, see the textual note). There is no reason to make an exception here.}
Enwir swrn yn yr oes hon.^{27 Enwir swrn yn yr oes hon The manuscripts clearly show that this was a seven syllable line from an early date. It seems that there are attempts to restore the lost syllable in C 3.4 Enwir yw swrn, LlGC 3077B ar enwir swrn, Llst 173 a genwi swrn, Stowe 959 ag enwi Ryw swrn, X4 er enwi swrn. There were usually seven syllables in the last line of a cywydd llogyrnog (namely the llosgwrn ‘tail’ itself, see CD 330) and, although there are eight syllables in the last line of every other verse of cywydd llosgyrnog in this awdl, it is possible that Dafydd Llwyd had reverted to the old form in this particular verse. There are also two variant readings for the second half of the line: C 3.4 ynaros hon, LlGC 3077B and X4 o’r ynys hon. This line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7.}

50Ar bump a deg^{28 Ar bump a deg The edition follows C 3.4, Stowe 959 and most of the manuscripts of X1, contrast LlGC 3077B and Pen 77 Mae’n agos term o mynegir, Llst 120, Llst 173 and X3 Y mae’n agos o mynegir (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7). It seems that the meaning (see the explanatory note) was unclear to some scribes. 17 ar bump a deg This may be a cryptic reference to the fifteen unnamed prophets alluded to in Dafydd Llwyd’s answer to Gruffudd ap Llywelyn Fychan, who composed a poem asking Dafydd for guidance on the prophetic tradition, see GDLl 78.7‒8 Calon ddoeth, calyn ydd wyd / Priffordd y pymtheg proffwyd ‘Wise heart, you follow the highway of the fifteen prophets’. This interpretation is probably less problematic that the others, namely that Dafydd is referring to 1500, the year of deliverance according to the prose text ‘Proffwydoliaeth y Wennol’ (ibid. 42.13–16; Richards 1953: 244–5), or the vague tradition that the son of prophecy had fifteen names (GDLl 78.53–4). A similar cynghanedd is found in Gruffudd’s poem to Dafydd (Aeth pymtheg, o mynegir), but this seems to be a reference to the number of months or years that had passed since an important event in the past, if not the number of hosts that followed Henry Tudor, see ibid. 77.47–52.} y mynegir
Y wadd^{18 y wadd The mole usually signified Richard III in a prophetic context, but there are exceptions. Richard is obviously meant in a poem by Dafydd Llwyd after the battle of Bosworth, see GDLl 25.1‒4 Mae’r goron ym mrig eryr, / Os gwir lladd y wadd a’i wŷr. / Cwncwerio mae’r cing Harri, / Coron aur, a’n caru ni. / Llyna feirdd yn llawenach / Llwyddo’r byd a lladd R. bach ‘The crown is on the eagle’s brow, if it is true the mole and his men have been slain. King Henry conquers, a crown of gold, and loves us. Behold poets merrier now that the world prospers and the little R. killed’. So too in an awdl to Henry Tudor by Lewys Glyn Cothi shortly after the battle, see GLGC 14.71‒2 y wadd a yrrodd yn weddus – i’r rhwyd, / y dydd y hypiwyd a oedd hapus ‘fittingly he drove the mole into the net, the day he was struck was a joyous one’; cf. ibid. 15.71. However, it is obvious that the mole does not refer to Richard, rather the enemy in general, based on a reference to y ỽadd velltigedig ‘the accursed mole’ in the prose text ‘Y Broffwydoliaeth Fer’, in a prophetic poem by Dafydd Gorlech to request a horse from Rhosier Fychan (Rhosier was executed in 1471), see GDGor 2.33‒6 I’th iau flaen yr arf i’th law / Ar fin dur a fyn daraw / Y wadd a fagwyd ar win / A’i phryder ar gyffredin ‘In your leading yoke, a weapon in your hand that is want to strike against a steel blade the mole that was nurtured on wine, with its terror on the common people’; Evans 1968: 121. So too in Lewys Glyn Cothi’s awdl to Jasper Tudor, in all likelihood composed soon after the battle of Mortimer’s Cross in 1461, see GLGC 12.21‒3 Y blaidd a’i fab a leddir / … / a’r wadd ieuanc o’r ddaear ‘The wolf and its son will be slain along with the young mole from the earth’. Most references to the mole in the vaticinatory poetry remain ambiguous by design, see GDLl 8.73, 89, 11.33, 14.14, 26.43‒6, 29.15, 31.5, 23, 28, 35.28, 36.58, 39.28, 40.10, 22‒4, 41.28‒30, 46, 42.40; GDGor 1.84, 5.63, 6.42, 70; GIBH 4.20; Evans 1997: 265.} a ladd ac a leddir;
Ef^{29 Ef The edition follows the majority of the manuscripts, namely LlGC 3077B, Llst 120, Llst 173, Pen 77, X3, X4, contrast C 3.4, LlGC 6499B, Stowe 959, X2 fo. This line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7.} a welir mawr ofalon.^{19 Ef a welir mawr ofalon The verbal particle ef could also be understood as a pronoun that refers to y wadd ‘the mole’ as a male adversary (l. 51n).}

Gwŷr aflonydd, gwae’r Fêl Ynys!^{20 [y] Fêl Ynys Another name for the Island of Britain, see TYP3 246, 248‒9.}
Gwedi’r ymwrdd, gwaed ar emys
55A braw dyrys rhwng brodorion.

A chwys ar grys^{21 chwys ar grys The adjective chwys is understood as ‘sweat’ (cf. dwfr ym mhais ‘water in tunics’ in the preceding line), but cwys ‘slit, bruise, wound’ is also possible in a metaphorical sense, see GPC Ar Lein d.g. cwys.} a chis ar groen,
A dwfr ym mhais a Deifr^{22 Deifr The old kingdom of Deira in the Old North which corresponded roughly to the Yorkshire of today, although the poets often use the name for English people in general.} ym mhoen,
A hoen a goroen ar y gwirion.^{30 A hoen a goroen ar y gwirion This was probably a nine syllable line in the source. It seems that the first a was omitted on purpose in LlGC 6499B, where there are eight syllables. This may reflect what the poet intended, with a being an incorrect addition in the source under the influence of a at the beginning of the first two lines of this verse.}

A bwrw y dreth a bair y drin,^{23 A bwrw y dreth a bair y drin The same correspondence in cynghanedd is found in an englyn by Dafydd Llwyd, of which there are two versions in GDLl 91.8 and 93.4 A bwrw treth a bair trin ‘And eliminating the tribute will cause a battle’; cf. two similar couplets by Ddafydd Llwyd and Dafydd Gorlech, ibid. 75.31‒2 Cymell gwystlon uwch Conwy, / Cymell treth, a fu feth fwy? ‘Exacting hostages in Uwch Conwy, exacting a tribute, was there ever a greater mistake?’; GDGor 6.47‒8 I fwrw treth oedd feth fwy / Cynnen a fag uwch Conwy ‘To eliminate a tribute that was an even greater mistake, conflict will arise in Uwch Conwy’. As suggested in ibid. 86, it seems that these vaticinatory references to an oppressive tribute derive from references to a tribute exacted from the Welsh princes by Athelstan in ‘Armes Prydain’, see Arm P xiii‒xiv; cf. HSt 131, 135, 184 for other similar references in the early poetry.}
60I drwsio gwŷr ar draws^{24 ar draws See the combination in GPC Ar Lein s.v. traws (i) ‘across’, (iii) ‘in defiance of’. The edition follows the latter (cf. GDGor 6.65‒6 Tarw a’r frân yn taro’n frau / – Och werin Lloegr o’r chwarae! ‘Both the bull and the raven striking swiftly – woe to the people of England on account of the strife!’), but the former is also possible (that is, ‘the people all together’).} gwerin
I wlad y gwin^{25 gwlad y gwin Dafydd Llwyd is probably not referring to France, even though France was renowned for the quality of its wine. Is he describing Gwynedd? He may be referring to heaven, therefore describing slaughter on a grand scale after which a great number of the dead, described here as [b]lodau gwynion ‘white flowers’, will enter paradise.}, flodau gwynion.

Gwelwch roi maes a^{31 a The edition follows Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4 and Pen 77. It seems that Stowe 959 ar gwailch denotes the definite article, which may have been misread as a preposition in some early manuscripts, leading to the uncertain reading of LlGC 3077B, Llst 120 and X1 ar y. The combination rhoi maes should be followed by i and not ar, although there are no verifying examples under rho(dd)i maes in GPC Ar Lein s.v. rhoddaf, but cf. the earliest example of rho(dd)i cad in GHC 1.1–2 Ys da hydd … / A ry cad i rai cedyrn ‘It’s a good stag that gives battle to warriors’.} gweilch o’r môr,^{26 gweilch o’r môr A vaticinatory sign, namely an army coming to land from the sea, cf. GDLl 35.45‒6 Gŵyl Ddewi, meddai’r Prïor, / Gwyliwch am waith gweilch y môr ‘On St David’s day, said the Prior, watch for the battle of the warriors from the sea’.}
A lliwio Tems,^{27 lliwio Tems A vaticinatory sign, namely the river Thames running red with blood, cf. GDLl 6.17‒18 Tems a red t’yma sy ris, / O waed teulu plant Alis ‘Thames, ?which is a stairway on this side, will run with the blood of the nation of Alice’s children’.} oerllyd dymor,
A bwrw blaenor, barabl union.

65Yn y dwyrain,^{28 yn y dwyrain A vaticinatory sign, namely the son of prophecy making his mark in the east, cf. GDLl 4.33‒4 Gwylio’r hydd a galw y rhain / A wna daro’n y dwyrain ‘Watching the stag and calling on those who with cause fighting in the east’, 37.45‒6 Yr ych gwâr, cyfeddgar, cain, / A dry’n darw draw’n y dwyrain ‘The gentle, feast-loving fine ox will transform into a bull in the east yonder’, 75.48 Dyred â’r sarff o’r dwyrain ‘Bring the serpent from the east’, 76.53‒4 Saer ffug, ni ddaeth [y] sarff fain / I’n tir gyda gwynt dwyrain ‘False carpenter, the slender serpent did not come to our land on the east wind’ (Owain Tomas doubting the truthfulness of Dafydd Llwyd’s prophesizing).} gannaid araul,
 chleddau hir, ymachludd haul,
Y mwya’i draul ym myd ar onn.

Dau a wyliwn^{32 wyliwn The edition follows LlGC 6499B and X3, as well as the likely reading of X1, contrast X2 i wiliaw, X4 welwn. As for the manuscripts of group A, the reading in the edition is found in C 3.4, contrast Llst 120, Llst 173 and Pen 77 welwn, LlGC 3077B welir (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7 and Stowe 959).} o’n dialwyr
O’r ddau^{33 O’r ddau The edition follows LlGC 3077B, Llst 120 and Llst 173, a reading supported by Pen 77 and C 2.619 o ddau (the preposition and definite article are not found in the rest of the manuscripts that derive from X4), contrast C 3.4 odaw yn vn (a clumsy rewrite), X1 o dan (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7 and Stowe 959). For the meaning, see the explanatory note on this line.} efyn^{29 o’r ddau efyn A vaticiniatory sign, namely the coming of a freed prisoner to win the day, cf. GDLl 12.39‒42 Gwenddydd … a’i brawd, / … a ddyfawd / Y deuai Dduw, a dau ddyn / Hynod i gyfod o’r gefyn ‘Gwenddydd and her brother foretold that God and two remarkable men would arise from the shackles’, 41.65‒6 A gado had gyda hyn / I’r ddeufab o’r ddau efyn ‘And to leave a seedling after this for the two sons from the two shackles’, 75.44 Mae’r dyn o’r gefyn a gair? ‘Where is the one who was received from the shackle?’; GDGor 1.87‒8 Oen a gyfyd o’n gefyn ‘A lamb will arise from our shackle’; GIBH 4.55‒6 Dau a gyfyd o’u gefyn / I daith gyda mab y dyn ‘Two will arise from their shackles to a journey with the son of man’.} yn gofyn gwŷr,
70Daroganwyr mewn^{34 mewn This may have been a seven syllable line in the source, cf. l. 49n. No word appears between daroganwyr and dur in X1, and it seems that both X3 dyrau gwynion and X4 a dur are attempts at restoring the lost syllable. The reading in group A (which is followed here) may be a similar attempt, but this is undoubtedly the most meaningful (this line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4 and Stowe 959).} dur gwynion.^{30 dur gwynion See GPC Ar Lein s.v. dur ‘steel weapon(s)’. Further on dur gwyn ‘white steel’, see OED s.v. white (adjective) 2 (b) ‘(of iron or steel armour) burnished and shining, without colouring or stain’; Boardman 1998: 125.}

Gwŷr a barant gau’r aberoedd^{31 Gwŷr a barant gau’r aberoedd Probably a vaticinatory sign associated with the coming of the son of prophecy, cf. l. 62n (explanatory); GDLl 78.25‒8 A llu’n bwhwman pob lle / A gyrch cyn torri’r gwarche / I saith brif aber y sydd; / Gwyliwch o’r môr bwygilydd ‘And a host wandering to all places, before breaking the siege, will make for the seven major estuaries; keep continuous watch over the sea’, 81.21‒2 Mae darogan a chanu / I’th aber lawer o lu ‘It is foretold and sung that many a host will seek your estuary’ (to the river Dyfi).}
Er biteilio i’r bateloedd
O du’r moroedd i dir Meirion^{32 i dir Meirion A vaticinatory sign, namely the coming of the son of prophecy to Meirionnydd from the sea, cf. GDLl 11.15‒16 Ymaros y mae Meirion / Eryr mawr o oror Môn ‘[The land of] Meirion is waiting for a great eagle from the region of Anglesey’, 14.3‒4 and 39.17‒18 O Fair Wen, i Feirionnydd / Pa bryd y daw’r byd … ? ‘Oh fair Mary, when will the world come to Meirionnydd?’ The cantref was named after Meirion ap Tybion, one of Cunedda’s grandsons, see WCD 466.}.

Profi llyfnu^{33 llyfnu This refers to great activity on land and sea, either because of the coming of the son of prophecy or the diligence of those who continually watch out for his arrival, cf. l. 71n; GDGor 5.54n iôr yn llyfnu ‘a lord harrowing’.} prif holl hafnau
75Wrth eu dial,^{34 wrth eu dial Probably a reference to the vengeful actions of the victorious ones mentioned in the previous verse.} byrth y Deau,
O Ddaugleddau i Gelyddon.^{35 O Ddaugleddau i Gelyddon That is, from the south-east as far as western Scotland, cf. the same correspondence in cynghanedd in GG.net 114.25‒6 O Aber teg, lle beirw ton, / Daugleddau hyd Gelyddon ‘From beautiful Milford Haven, where the wave stirs, as far as Caledon’; DN XIV.12 o gelyddon hyd gleddav ‘from Caledon to the river Cleddau’; GLMorg 66.25‒6 Ofn arth Deheubarth o’i haber, – Dau Gledd, / Hyd Gelyddon ofner ‘Fear of the bear of Deheubarth, may he be feared from Milford Haven as far as Caledon’; DN XIV.12 O Gelyddon hyd Gleddav ‘From Caledon to the river Cleddau’.}

Llygru dinas Lloegr^{36 dinas Lloegr London, in all likelihood, cf. l. 63n Tems.} i danadd^{37 i danadd ‘Below’, cf. GSCyf 10.33 Yn dyno glas i danadd ‘A green vale below’ (Llywelyn ab y Moel to Coed y Graig Lwyd).}
A gyrru’r byd ac oeri’r Badd,^{38 oeri’r Badd A vaticinatory sign, namely cooling the waters of Bath (cf. l. 22n), based on Prophetiae Merlini by Geoffrey of Monmouth, cf. GDLl 5.34 Bydd bur, mae’r badd heb oeri ‘Be pure, the baths haven’t cooled’, 11.34 Aro i’r byd oeri’r badd ‘Wait for the world to cool the baths’, 15.45‒6 Bydd cwyn am y badd cynnes, / Gwall i rai, fo gyll ei wres ‘There will be a lament because of the warm baths, failure for some, it will lose its warmth’, 38.47‒8 Aros haf a’i wres hefyd / I oeri’r badd, hir yw’r byd ‘Waiting for summer and its warmth too to cool the baths, life passes slowly’.}
A chilio’r wadd,^{39 [y] wadd See l. 51n.} uchel roddion.

80Llawer urddol mawr ei ddolur,
Llawer dug hael, llwyr y daw cur,
Llawer gwayw dur a llurig don.

Llawer baner i’r llawr beunydd,
Llawer gawr fawr yn Lloegr a fydd,
85Lle mae brau gwŷdd, llyma brig onn.^{40 Lle mae brau gwŷdd, llyma brig onn Dafydd Llwyd seems to be saying that any suitable piece of wood is being used to make spears. Mutation is expected after llyma, but the rules of grammar may have come second to the rules of cynghanedd here, see TC 434.}

Dewi, rydym er^{35 er The edition follows the majority reading, namely C 3.4 (ir), LlGC 3077B, Llst 120, Llst 173, Pen 77, Stowe 959, contrast Bodley Welsh e 7 and X1 ar (note that the reading in the edition is also found in X2).} dy radau,
Bywyd aerwyr,^{36 aerwyr The edition follows X3, which seems to be supported by C 3.4 Evrrwyr and Pen 77 airwir. This word was either unclear in the source or unfamiliar to many of the scribes, if not both, cf. LlGC 3077B araith, LlGC 6499B a /n/ rhywyr, Llst 120 arwain, Llst 173 eirian, Stowe 959 oerrwyrr, X2 anrwyr, X4 aurer. This line is not found in Bodley Welsh e 7.} ar baderau
Y Gwenerau^{41 y Gwenerau The Passion of Christ was commemorated traditionally on a Friday by fasting and abstaining from eating meat, see ODCC 645.} ac yn wirion.

I’th weddïaw dithau,^{37 dithau The edition follows X1, cf. Bodley Welsh e 7 teithoedd. Other readings are unsatisfactory in terms of meaning, namely LlGC 3077B, Llst 120 and Stowe 959 weithiau, Llst 173 and Pen 77 weithian (an error may have occurred by incorrectly dividing weddïawdithau and misreading d- for e-). This line is not found in C 3.4.} Ddewi,
90Rhydid unwaith, rhyw dadeni,
I’th rieni, athro union.^{42 rhieni See GPC Ar Lein s.v. rhieni (c) ‘kindred, tribe, clan, fellow-countrymen’.}

Ac eleni, disgwyl Wynedd
Y cawn weled, can nialedd,
Yn gelanedd ein^{38 ein The edition follows the majority reading, contrast C 2.619, LlGC 970E, LlGC 3077B, Stowe 959, X2, X5 o’n, where it seems that celanedd is understood as ‘a heap of dead bodies’ (that is, ‘a heap of our enemies’ dead bodies’), rather than ‘corpses’, but there are no examples of the former before the 16c., see GPC Ar Lein s.v. celain.} gelynion.

95Gelynion a drig eleni ‒ ’m mhob maes^{39 ’m mhob maes The edition follows Bodley Welsh e 7, C 3.4, Stowe 959, X1, contrast LlGC 3077B, Pen 77 i maes, Llst 120, Llst 173 yn y maes. These variant readings may derive from uncertainty about the omitted letters, along with the fact that there are three unanswered consonants in the second line (unanswered consonants were allowed after the rhyme word, see CD 281).}
Cyn diwedd mis Medi;^{43 Cyn diwedd mis Medi Possibly a vaticinatory sign, namely the coming of the son of prophecy before the harvest. Similar references are found in a poem by Dafydd Llwyd to Dafydd ab Ieuan, constable of Harlech castle, GDLl 38.29‒30 Wedi’r ŵyl y daw’r eleirch / I dir Cent, cyn medi’r ceirch ‘After the feast the swans will come to the land of Kent, before the oats are harvested’, but these lines may be based on detailed information about the coming of Jasper Tudor to Wales immediately after the feast of St John at the end of June 1468, see WWR2 99. This line may also be based on detailed information concerning Henry Tudor’s arrival by sea in the summer of 1485, see the introduction.}
Pob tir maith, pawb o’n iaith ni,
Pob tuedd, pawb at Dewi!